A key pillar of the G20 Africa Partnership is
the ´Compact with Africa´ (CwA), an initiative within the G20’s finance track,
coordinated by the German Federal Ministry of Finance. In its resolution
adopted by G20 finance ministers and central bank governors in Baden-Baden, the
G20 has acknowledged “its special responsibility to join forces in tackling the
challenges facing the poorest countries, especially in Africa”[1]. The ´Compact with Africa´ initiative aims to boost private investment and
investment in infrastructure in Africa. To this end, the World Bank, the
International Monetary Fund and the African Development Bank have produced a
joint report (“The G20 Compact with Africa: A Joint AfDB,
IMF, and WBG Report”), which proposes
a catalogue of instruments and measures designed to improve macroeconomic,
business and financing frameworks as a way to boost investment [2].
The document is a dense, well-argued and documented text, albeit written in
fairly technocratic language.
The CwA Financing
Framework aims at increasing the availability of financing at reduced costs and
risks, with a focus on long-gestation infrastructure projects. It targets in
particular pension funds and life insurers. These institutional investors are
characterized by the long-term nature of their balance-sheet liabilities, which
enables them to invest in infrastructure projects with long gestation periods. They would
indeed make a very good fit for funding Africa’s infrastructure. Projected to
reach $100 trillion by 2020, institutional investors (pension, funds, life
insurers and sovereign wealth funds) would need to invest one percent of their
annual new inflows to fund Africa’s infrastructure gap, estimated at $ 50
billion per year [3].
The CwA makes some
important ideological presumptions. First, it is solely driven by the Anglo-Saxon financing model with a focus
on direct securities (equity and bond) markets rather than bank-based financial
intermediation, which has underpinned (Continental) European and East Asian
economic and social development. Second,
the CwA Financing Framework is silent on the important role that the public and
semi-public sectors may have played in early stages of development via
mandatory public pension plans (East Asia) or not-for-profit financial
ccoperatives (such as agricultural credit unions). Third, it is silent on the “financing gap”
(also known as the MacMillan gap), which has come to indicate that a sizeable
proportion of economically significant SMEs cannot obtain financing from banks,
capital markets or other suppliers of finance. The MacMillan gap
requires an important role of public development institutions and public
policies in tackling underlying market imperfections. Lastly, it
seems that the German Ministry of Finance that commissioned the CwA report in
the first place has missed a unique chance to bring in the specific German history
of bank-based intermediation, of rural credit unions and of public
infrastructure push in the context of late industrialization. This would indeed
be relevant for the African context.
Instead, the CwA
Financing Framework consists of three linked components to tap the global pool
of private finance: The first peddles blending
instruments and facilities - the use of
public or philanthropic funds to attract additional investments from private
sector actors into development projects - to lower African country risk to
private investors (the new Private Sector Window under the IDA18 replenishment
is mentioned explicitely); the second aims at support of domestic debt markets
and at a more supportive global regulatory environment; the third aims to
promote new public infrastructure investment funds, such as Managed Co-Lending Portfolio Program (MCPP) initiated by The International Finance Corporation (IFC), part of the World Bank
Group.
Because most African
countries remain poor, they are not considered creditworthy. Even though the
African Development Bank (AfDB) has 54 member
countries, of which only 17 are not eligible to African Development Fund (AfDF )
funding, most countries have a per capita income below an operational cut off (fiscal year 2015-2016:
$1,215). Recent Brookings forecasts project that the number of
people living in extreme poverty (the headcount of those falling below $1.90)
will rise in 19 African countries by 2030.
Table 1: Eligibility
to access AfDF funding (Number of countries (out of 54 total))
|
|||
Creditworthiness to sustain AfDB financing
|
|||
Per capita income
above the AfDF/IDA
operational cut-off
|
No
|
Yes
|
|
No
|
30
AfDF-only
|
3
blend-eligible
|
|
Yes
|
4 AfDF-Gap
|
3 AfDB-only
|
|
Source:http://www.afdb.org/en/about-us/corporate-information/african-development-fund-adf/adf-recipient-countries/
|
Apart from general
investment barriers, common project risks for infrastructure investments need
to be considered in the African context. These include: completion risks
(failure to complete the project on time and on budget); performance risks (the
risk that the project fails to perform as expected on completion, maybe due to
poor design or adoption of inadequate technology); operation and maintenance
risks (relates costs, management and technical components and obligation to
provide a specific level of service); financing risk (which may arise from an
increase in inflation, interest rate changes etc.); and revenue risks (which
relates to the possibility of the project not earning sufficient revenues to
service its operating costs and debt and leave adequate return for investors).
Legal, regulatory and
institutional challenges of Private-Public Partnerships (PPPs) should not be
underestimated in the context of Africa’s low-income countries. Long-term
commitments in the infrastructure sector depend on a set of legal, regulatory
and institutional frameworks. From the time of project preparation, to bidding
and finally operation, the regulation of PPPs requires an independent regulator
and the handling of disputes by an independent judiciary. Other institutional
prerequisites are property and collateral registries, reliable accounting and
reporting procedures, tested and reliable foreclosure mechanisms. The longer
the term of contracts and the larger the funding commitments, the more
important such ‘basic’ institutional and legal infrastructure becomes. Moreover, fiscal contingencies of PPPs
could burden weak public finances in countries where debt tolerance has proven
low. In particular when privately financing large infrastructure projects in
immature markets, there is a risk that private returns come at the expense of
long-term fiscal costs (contingent liabilities).
Table 2: The infrastructure funding escalator
|
|||||
Steps
|
Step 1
|
Step 2
|
Step 3
|
Step 4
|
Step 5
|
Major funding source
|
Government
|
Step 1 + Aid
Grants
+
Concessionary
|
Step 2 + Banks loans + leveraged private funds
|
Step 3 + Private Equity + Project Bonds
|
Growing role institutional investors
|
Source: based on Della Croce,
Fuchs, & Witte (2016); see text.
|
To a large extent
long-term funding of infrastructure in Africa is provided circumventing the
intermediation process altogether, including via foreign direct investment.
As for low-income Africa, the CwA’s
focus on an important role for private institutional investors to fund the
infrastructure gap lacks realism: Most African countries are at the first two
steps of the Infrastructure Funding
Escalator, where public investment and concessionary aid remain the major
funding sources.
The first component of
the CwA Financing Framework pins high hopes on blended finance and leveraged
finance via development finance institutions (DFIs). Table 3, however, shows
that private funds mobilized by DFIs seem to have shied away from the ‘Bottom
Billion’ (to paraphrase Paul Collier). Within the group of countries attracting
blended finance investments, LICs generally (not just in Africa) receive much
less on a per country basis compared with other developing countries [4]. LICs obtained, on average, US$60 million of private investment per
country between 2012 and 2014; the equivalent figures for other developing
countries were six times higher – US$352 million for LMICs and US$404 million
for UMICs. Little of blended finance and of foreign direct
investment (FDI) goes to low-income countries compared to ODA, as both
categories of private-sector flows seem to favour middle-income countries. Despite
policy efforts to mobilize private finance through official DFIs, they so far
have represented a small fraction of the flows directed to low-income Africa.
Table 3: Allocation
of FDI, ODA and DFI mobilized funds per income group in Africa (mean
percentage shares during 2012-2014 )
|
|||
Income Group
|
FDI
|
ODA
|
DFI
mobilized
|
Low Income
|
4
|
30
|
5
|
Lower MIC
|
22
|
43
|
51
|
Upper MIC
|
70
|
47
|
19
|
Data for
country-allocable investments only; residual went to high-income group
|
Three commitments addressed to partner countries are
derived from the first component: support ongoing de-risking initiatives;
support various de-risking instruments (IDA18 Private Sector Window, AfDB´s PSF;
support the further refinement of a commonly accepted set of principles for
´blended finance´. This is more of a self-promotion of the World Bank and the
AfDB than a helpful commitment for low-income Africa. In reality, new AfDB initiatives have had a low
uptake, especially in low-income Africa. A study finds that the growing
complexity and fragmentation of private-sector mobilization initiatives created
my multilateral development banks seems confronted with “little awareness or
understanding of these private sector mechanisms and initiatives” on the ground [5].
The second component of
the CwA Financing Framework calls for domestic debt market development, as
already exist in Egypt, Nigeria and South Africa. The CwA document is well
aware (in some paragraphs, at least) of capacity constraints that impede
Africa´s securities market development. To be sure, there has been limited progress in
developing markets for long-term finance on the continent.
Except for South Africa the depth of equity and bond markets falls far short of
the capitalization and liquidity of financial markets in other developing
regions, despite recent issuance of Eurobonds and local currency bonds in some
places. The largest and most important segment across financial sectors in
Africa is the banking system, not an ideal source of intermediation for
long-term finance, given the maturity transformation of banks’ short-term
liabilities and consequent risks.
To avoid currency
mismatches in private and public balance sheets, local currency bond market
development is primordial. Most poor countries do not
borrow in their own currency, which has time and again triggered debt crises as
a result of strong currency depreciation (as currently observed in African
commodity exporting countries). Substituting external, foreign
currency debt with domestic, local currency debt may increase rollover and
interest rate risks because of shorter maturities of the latter; this implies
it will have to be refinanced more frequently and possibly at a higher rate. Ghana is an example of the risks involved: In
the recent decade, Ghana had issued three Eurobonds with tenors between 10 and
12 years, whereas the average tenor of its local currency bonds at issuance was
about two years only; moreover, their yields stood at no less than 23% in 2014.
Four commitments addressed to partner countries are
derived from the second component: introduce an appropriate regulatory and
supervisory framework; establish over-the-counter trading as well as custody
and settlement mechanisms to minimise costs and risks for debt securities;
support the development of pensions funds, life insurance companies and mutual
funds to develop a domestic institutional investor base; implement ´sound´ debt
management policies. I have major doubts whether scarce African government
resources are really best employed by facilitating an Anglo-Saxon system of
direct securities markets, and what the risks are in terms of fraud and gambling.
The CwA finance framework tries to put the
cart before the horse, especially for LICs in Africa, by trying to appeal to
institutional long-term finance. It ignores the financing model of successful
development that has been largely based on public infrastructure preceding
industrial development, corporate savings via retained earning, rural credit
associations and bank-based finance. It also ignores the risk of debt
sustainability linked to blended finance, especially as multilateral
development banks are reducing the share of concessionary finance, including to
African countries with a long default history.
Low domestic savings levels, weak government finances and a low
debt tolerance militate against forcing foreign private debt and contingent
fiscal liabilities upon countries where infrastructure deficits are most
blatant. The risk of lasting current account deficits, which are mostly
financed privately, is that they tend to end with balance-of-payments crises.
Many African countries have benefited from comprehensive debt restructuring and
relief efforts in recent decades, but since 2010 countries have accumulated
foreign debt again as raw material prices weakened, growth slowed and
concessional debt was replaced. Both
investors and Africa’s governments should consult the Joint World Bank-IMF Debt
Sustainability Framework for Low-Income Countries before raising
the finance they need to meet the SDGs, including through grants when the
ability to service debt is limited.
[1]
http://www.bundesfinanzministerium.de/Content/EN/Standardartikel/Topics/Featured/G20/2017-03-30-g20-compact-with-africa.html
[2] The report benefited from contributions by Professor Paul Collier
(Oxford University), Richard Manning (Oxford University), and Ulrich Bartsch
(German Ministry of Finance).
[3] Kappel, Pfeiffer & Reisen (2017), https://www.die-gdi.de/discussion-paper/article/compact-with-africa-fostering-private-long-term-investment-in-africa/. GDI Discussion Paper 13/2017.
[4] Tew & Caio (2016), Blended finance: Understanding its potential for Agenda 2030. London: Development Initiatives. http://devinit.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/ Blended-finance-Understanding-its-potential-for-Agenda-2030.pdf.
[5] Bertelsmann-Scott, Markowitz & Parshotam (2016). Mapping current trends infrastructure financing in low-income countries in Africa within the context of the African Development Fund. SAIIA, Johannesburg.